cat1_eWhen Ngati Toa made a claim for the loss of their maritime empire over Cook Strait, the Waitangi Tribunal, which is usually indulgent to any claim, turned it down. This was a rare act of common sense on the part of the Tribunal as, in so far as Ngati Toa, under the leadership of its cannibal chief, Te Rauparaha, exercised any “domain” over the waters of Cook Strait, it was for the purpose of leading his war canoes across the water from Kapiti Island to kill, cook and eat the tribes of the South Island. Ngati Toa had captured Kapiti at the end of their murderous march from their place of origin at the Kawhia Harbour in the Waikato.

However, when Treaty Minister Christopher Finlayson conducted his secret negotiations with Ngati Toa without any input from the public, he overrode the Waitangi Tribunal’s refusal to grant compensation “for the loss Ngati Toa’s maritime empire over Cook Strait” and decided to throw in an extra $10 million of taxpayers’ money as undeserved compensation for this right of Ngati Toa’s warriors to use Cook Strait as a waterway on their missions of cannibalism and genocide.

This is the same minister who granted a cash and land bonanza to the descendants/tribe of Te Kooti as compensation for the “stigmatisation of Te Kooti’s name” after the old scoundrel descended on the peaceful settlement of Matawhero, near Gisborne, in 1868 and slaughtered 70 peaceful civilians – both European and Maori. In the words of the recently published book, Twisting the Treaty, “It is not surprising that questions are being asked whether Finlayson understands right from wrong” (Page 120) On his watch the taxpayer is being forced to take their side of savagery over that of civilised values.

So let us look at the history behind this unjustified and outrageous transfer of $10 million of funds from the taxpayer to the descendants of Ngati Toa’s cannibals.

In late 1827 Te Rauparaha led his invasion fleet of Ngati Toa warriors across Cook Strait, landing at Cape Jackson at the entrance to Queen Charlotte Sound. In the words of Ron Crosby in his authoritative book, “The Musket Wars”, the war party “is believed to have assaulted the large Okukari pa on the northern shore of the channel, just inside the entrance. Both this pa and another situated on the southern entry point to the channel fell with great slaughter. Other groups were intercepted and slaughtered as the taua (war party) made its way up into Opua Bay…..From there the taua travelled overland to attack a pa near Rarangi and one other….Both these pa fell readily to the heavily armed taua” with “massed musket fire providing the usual awful result ” (P. 183) – code for a cannibal feast of the fallen.

The war party then arrived at Kowhai, at the mouth of the Wairau River, where “the inevitable chilling sequence of assault by musket fire, then slaughter, was repeated” (Ibid) Those South Island who were not cooked and eaten were taken back by Ngati Toa to Kapiti as slaves. Many of these were later killed. (Ibid, P. 183-4)

In the summer of 1829-30 Ngati Toa, Ngati Raroa and Te Atiawa, under Te Rauparaha’s leadership, used the waters of Cook Strait to launch another musket invasion of the South Island.  In the Sounds hundreds of the local tribe, Rangitane, were killed or taken prisoner. “The Ngati Kuri hapu of Rangitane were slaughtered in East Bay and their bodies committed to the umu (ovens)”, wrote Crosby on Page 201.  “With his large fleet of waka (war canoes), now decorated with the hair, hands and heads of his early victims, Te Rauparaha then swept into Pelorus Sound itself.” (P. 203)

On the Hopai peninsula he attacked two pa. “The survivors were taken by their conquerors on their further conquests as a source of food.(P. 203) ….after these raids Pelorus Sound was effectively depopulated.” (Ibid).

“The raids on the Marlborough Sounds led to well-nigh total annihilation of those districts and the almost complete depopulation of the Sounds apart from members of the invading northern tribes. By the end of 1829 there were only remnants of Ngati Kuia in the upper reaches of the Pelorus.” (P. 200)

At two locations of this genocide the whaler, Worser Heberley, “found the remains of some sixty or seventy bodies, together with a number of heads and arms. Joints had frequently been cut from the bodies, and many partly cooked body parts also lay indiscriminately in the bush.” (P. 203-4)….”Replete with the flesh of his enemies, Te Rauparaha turned back from the Pelorus and headed south to attack Rerewaka’s pa, near Kaikoura.” (P. 204)

He arrived off Omihi, south of Kaikoura, where there was “heavy slaughter. Over a thousand Ngai Tahu were said to have been killed or captured. Few escaped. Rerewaka himself was captured and, on the return of the taua to Kapiti, had to undergo the ripping open of his belly with a barracouta’s tooth, suffering an agonising death.” (P. 204-5)

Ngati Toa took some of the surviving slaves from Omihi to their next scene of slaughter, which was Kaiapoi, north of Christchurch. There they were all killed, cooked and eaten by Te Rauparaha and his Ngati Toa warriors.

On their way back to Kapiti Te Rauparaha’s flotilla of sixty or seventy war canoes stopped for a week and a half at Te Awaiti in Tory Channel. Here an eye-witness, the whaler Worser Heberley, noted, “The slaves would be forced to prepare the fire and heat the stones in it and, when that task was completed, they would be ruthlessly smashed in the side of the head with a tomahawk. Other slaves would then be required to cook the bodies of their friends, carve up the joints, and then place them in baskets to be eaten.” (P. 206) In the words of Ron Crosby, the leading authority on the Musket Wars, “This pattern of behaviour was recounted frequently by surviving slaves throughout both islands during the Musket War era, and described by a few Europeans.” (P. 206)

Early the following summer (October, 1830) Te Rauparaha and seventy of his musket armed Ngati Toa warriors hitched a ride to Akaroa on the “Elizabeth”, a European vessel under the command of Captain Stewart. At Akaroa Ngati Toa either killed or took as prisoners some 200 men and between 300 and 400 women and children. The bodies of the dead were cooked on the beach. There was so much cooked human flesh that it couldn’t all be eaten on the site and so it was packed into about a hundred large flax baskets and taken back to Kapiti Island where a big feast was held, with Te Rauparaha and his Ngati Toa doing a haka (unfortunately the same haka that the All Blacks do before a match).

Again the following summer (October, 1831) Te Rauparaha packed about a thousand of his musket armed warriors into about thirty big canoes and set off to slaughter or enslave hundreds of Ngati Kuia at Whakapuaka, opposite Durville Island. The tribe was almost totally exterminated.

The war party then divided into two, Te Rauparaha leading his Ngati Toa down the east coast to attack the few survivors who were left at Omihi pa. They were all wiped out in yet another extermination.

Then on to Kaiapoi where Ngati Toa set the local pa on fire and “a terrible slaughter ensued…..Hundreds of Ngai Tahu were taken prisoner and killed the next day…..The usual cannibal feasting lasted for days.” (P. 240) In the words of Ron Crosby, “Once again the waters of Akaroa harbour were to witness cannibal feasting by Ngati Toa on the slain of Ngai Tahu…(who) had suffered grievous losses in numbers of people, many thousands having been killed or enslaved.” (P. 242)

It has been necessary to go into these details to expose Finlayson’s – and the National Government’s – rewarding of genocide and cannibalism with $10 million of unsubstantiated and undeserved “compensation” for the loss of Ngati Toa’s right to commit these terrible mass crimes against the ancestors of South Island Maoris nearly 200 years ago.

And anyway, even if Te Rauparaha did exercise a maritime empire over Cook Strait, which the Waitangi Tribunal said he didn’t, that is no reason for the descendants of these brutal warriors to be rewarded with a cash handout in the form of a “Treaty settlement” since Te Rauparaha signed the Treaty (twice!) and the very purpose of the treaty was to bring to an end the domination of such areas and seaways by cannibal chiefs like Te Rauparaha who used them for such violent and evil purposes.

As pointed out in Dr. John Robinson’s attached submission to the Maori Affairs Select Committee of Parliament, this secret agreement between Finlayson and the Ngati Toa elders is not only not a valid “Treaty settlement” but is, in fact, a violation of the Treaty, which sought to bring to an end such things as tribal controlled “maritime empires” obtained by brute force, cannibalism and genocide.

Since any “domain” that Te Rauparaha and Ngati Toa exercised over Cook Strait related to the years 1827-31, the loss of such control could not possibly be in breach of a treaty that was signed in 1840 and which ceded sovereignty over such things as seaways to the Crown. In fact, after 1831 Te Rauparaha took his war canoes across Cook Strait to the South Island on only one occasion and that was in December, 1837, with 100 Ngati Toa warriors. Unlike earlier times nothing came of this raid as Te rauparaha had a short fight with some Te Atiawa, who were meant to be part of his war party, and then returned to his Kapiti Island fiefdom.

Therefore, since Finlayson’s proposed gift of $10 million to this greedy and undeserving tribe can not be for the breach of anything in the Treaty, it must be for some other purpose and, in discovering that purpose, we must rely on speculation since the whole deal was stitched up in secret between Finlayson and those who purport to be the current leaders of Ngati Toa. Even though the public must pay for this bonanza out of their taxes they are not allowed to have any input or even to know how Finlayson reached this agreement to swindle the taxpayer.

There must be a reason for him to hand $10 million to a tribe for a purpose other than a breach of the Treaty. What is that reason? Has he been promised in return a well paid position on one of Ngati Toa’s boards after he leaves politics? Only time will tell but the extreme secrecy of the process and the false basis on which this $10 million is being swiped from the taxpayer give rise to widespread unease and lurid speculation about a person who by character and his numerous conflicts of interest seems quite unfit to hold any public office, let alone be a Cabinet Minister.

The Ngati Toa Settlement Bill is currently going through Parliament (August, 2013). 1 Law 4 All is utterly opposed to the passing of this Bill until this $10 million reward for genocide and cannibalism is removed from it. Any M.P. who votes for this theft of taxpayer dollars for rewarding some of the worst genocide ever carried out in the Southern Hemisphere will be targeted at the next election and will be asked to explain to their constituents their peculiar tendencies in favour of cannibalism and genocide.

Rumour has it that Ngati Toa, already licking their lips at the prospect of this unbelievable windfall, is planning to use the cash to shout their elders on a luxury cruise around the Pacific as a “thank you” for their help in obtaining this undeserved settlement

Dr. John Robinson of Wellington has taken a keen interest in this settlement, which affects the area where he lives, and he made a public submission to the Maori Affairs Select Committee, which goes through the process of hearing submissions of Treaty Bills by the public and then studiously and arrogantly ignore all  that they hear. This Committee comprises a majority of Maoris (8 out of 11) whose modus operandi seems to be to act solely for their own kind and without any consideration for the majority of their fellow countrymen – the very negation of democracy. Types like Simon Bridges, the M.P. for Tauranga, who supported the thieving and racist Marine and Coastal Area Act, which gave special rights to his fellow Maoris while shafting the rights of the majority of his constituents. Just another example of how he uses the people of Tauranga for his own purposes.

Since Dr. Robinson’s well-researched submission is being ignored by this race based (and racist) Committee, we publish excerpts from it here, and the full submission can also be downloaded at the end of this article.

SUBMISSION OF DOCTOR JOHN ROBINSON ON THE NGATI TOA SETTLEMENT BILL.

“I oppose this Bill in its entirety. The proposed settlement is in direct contradiction with both the Treaty of Waitangi and the well established constitutional principle of equal citizenship basic to our society. I oppose apologies, payments, properties and special rights in government that are based on a period of bloody conquest that was brought to an end with the Treaty of Waitangi and the creation of our nation…..

The words of the Treaty are clear ; Queen Victoria did not have the power or the authority to give Maori any special rights in the Treaty of Waitangi not already enjoyed by the people of England under English law. Nor can any present government provide any specila rights under the terms of that treaty. The proposal to provide many separate rights to Ngati Toa over local government is in direct breach of the Treaty….

The existence of (Ngati Toa’s) ‘maritime domain’ is in direct contradiction with the Treaty of Waitangi, as is any recompense for its loss. Once sovereignty under British law was established by the Treaty there could be no place for a separate domain or empire. Nor was control of any such empire part of Maori culture. This was made clear by the Waitangi Tribunal – ‘We consider the idea of a sustained overlordship to have little basis in Maori customary thinking….the idea of an overlordship is now seen as the legacy of an imperial rhetoric’

It is simply unbelievable that now, 173 years after the Treaty was signed, $10 million may be given with an apology for asserting the law and preventing further bloody raids, eventually bringing peace to the region around Cook Strait

A major problem prior to 1840 was the lack of any central authority to assert a rule of law, with Maori society divided into warring tribes under the rule of chiefs, with many slaves and an assumed right to attack others when some past wrong called for action. The power of those chiefs had to be broken in order to provide basic human rights to others. Only then could the lives of a great number of Maori be safe from sudden attack and slaughter, and slaves be free. ….

Before 1840 there was no peace. The Treaty brought British law and what the northern chiefs had sought in their letters of 1831 and 1835 – an end to intertribal war, cannibalism and slavery. That was only possible with the ending of chiefly rule and the assertion of a greater, national power. The supremacy of government asserted by the Treaty meant that there could be no claim under the Treaty for any disagreement with subsequent government actions…….

Any breaking of the law and rebellion is against the Treaty. Government then has the right, indeed the duty, to act. There can be no complaint of the application of British law, including declaration of martial law during an insurgency. Chiefs have no special authority and the removal of any such position cannot be claimed as a grievance….

There can be no ground for compensation under the Treaty for loss of chiefly power, loss of maritime domain or suchlike, and no ground for any inherited special powers such as statutory advisors, advisory committees and plans directing council actions. To do that is to contradict the Treaty and the equality promised to all New Zealanders as British subjects….

Settlements of claims supposedly based on Treaty of Waitangi grievances concern the funds, property and rights of every New Zealander, yet those agreements are made between iwi and the government away from any public gaze. There is no pretence of fairness, no recognition of the rights of all affected parties. Government calls itself the Crown as if it were separate from and apart from the people. This is a fiction. The process has nothing to do with the Crown through its New Zealand representative, the Governor-General. Negotiations then take place in secret as if this were purely a financial transaction between two private independent parties, which it is not. The result is a division of citizenship and political power, and the handing over of public goods, both property and money. All discussions on the process involve Maori only…..

The negotiations must be based on a defined grievance and a historic account setting that out clearly. This was not done (with this settlement). The historic account did not not exist back in 2009. In the words of Minister, Finlayson, it was “still to be agreed between the Crown and Ngati Toa”….I continued to press for this information and I wrote to the Minister, “The situation as I understand it is in contradiction to common sense and logic. Surely there would be no consideration of a settlement in the absence of a clearly specified wrong.” The reply made it clear that any such account would be written by the aggrieved party, about to profit from a settlement based on a biased interpretation, behind closed doors and AFTER the settlement is agreed……

Finlayson has stated clearly that the presentation of submissions at this hearing (of the Select Committee) is a mere formality as Bills such as this ‘stem from legal agreements which are already entered into’. As well as failing to follow correct procedure it is evident that this Minister has failed to set down the Crown case, in a true negotiation between two parties, each protecting its own interests. The part of the people has been vacant.

Onl;y you have the authority to tell this Minister that he must do his job properly – by turning down this Bill. Then he can either start again from the beginning, doing it properly that time, or drop the whole sorry mess. ….

Any position (overlordship of Cook Strait) was gained by attacking, killing, enslaving and driving out the inhabitants of these places A full and honest historical account would include reference to those casualties. …Ngati Toa wish to inherit grievance but refuse to acknowledge the inheritance of responsibility for that widespread mayhem. The scale of killing should be noted, with 1,600 killed in battle and twice that number (3,500) of women and children slain in these battles alone. These were acts of terrorism, of genocide and of ethnic cleansing. Back in those times this warfare might be considered as just part of Maori tikanga but it is monstrous that any position based on such war crimes should be accepted now – in 2013 – as justification for compensation.

You can download Dr Robinsons complete submission here: Download

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